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Verse

12 "After this he went down to Capernaum, he, and his mother, and his brethren, and his disciples: and they continued there not many days.

13. And the Jews' Passover was at hand, and Jesus went up to Je-rusalem,

14. And found in the temple those that sold oxen and sheep and doves, and the changers of money sitting:

15. And when he had made a scourge of small cords he drove them out of the temple, and the sheep and the oxen; and overthrew the tables;

16. And said unto them that sold doves, Take these things hence; make not my fathers house an house of merchandise

17. And his disciples remembered that it was written, the zeal of thine house hath eaten me up

18 then answered the Jews and said unto him, What sign shewest thou unto us, seeing that thou doest these things?

19 Jesus answered and said unto them, Destroy this temple, and in three days I will raise it up.

20 Then said the Jews, Forty and six years was this temple in build-ing and wilt thou rear it up in three days?

21. But he spake of the temple of his body.

22 When therefore he was risen from the dead, his disciples remem-bered that he had said this unto them; and they believed the scrip-ture, and the word which Jesus had said

23 Now when he was in Jerusa-lem at the Passover, in the feast day, many believed in his name, when they saw the miracles which he did.

24 But Jesus did not commit him self unto them because he knew all men,

25 And needed not that any should testify of man: for he knew what was in man.

"Strange moment for such an insert, don't you think, said the scribe.

Ours is not to reason why said Zed Aliz, ours is but to do and die.

Page 230

"The Inca had a highly developed mnemonic device known by the native name of quipu…" "…The quipu consists basically of a series of strings in which knots are tied. The great variation possible in the colour and posi-

/ Page 231 /

of the strings, and the nature, number, and position of the knots permits its use for numerical records and mnemonic pur-poses. All known quipus are different and vary greatly in size and complexity; relatively few of these extent are complete, a neces-sity for the correct interpretation of any mathematical record. The main cord, which was held in an horizontal position is generally of larger size, from a few centimetres to over a yard or metre in length. To this are attached from one to over one hundred pendent strings, of various colours, twists, and other modifications. They may be fastened to the main cord in groups, and subsidiary strings may be attached to them. Knots of various types and positions were tied in these pendent cords. The knots certainly have numerical values; the colour and other qualities of the strings probably signify the number of the objects thus counted. Several of the chroniclers give interpretations for some of the colours, but the disagreement is so great that no deductions can be drawn. Studies of quipus by several specialists¹ in this field have demonstrated clearly that the numerical records are given in a decimal arithmetical system very much like are own, with place value. This was to be expected, since the Quechua numeral system was and is decimal, and the social system was organized on a decimal basis.A simple knot represents 'one;' digits from two to nine are denoted by longer knots in which the cord wad wound or looped a given number of times before it was pulled tight. The concept of Zero was understood but required no symbol; the absence of any knot in the expected position denoted zero. Place-value was indicated by distance from the main cord; the unit digits were at the farther or lower end of the string, the higher multiples -tens, hundreds and thousands closer to the main cord. In the known extant quipus calculations in thousands are rare and apparently only one instance of ten thousand is known. Generally the long knots of many loops were employed only for the unit digits; multiples of the higher orders were re-presented by the proper number of single knots close together. The quipu was a recording and mnemonic, not a calculating device. Its principal purpose was doubtless that of statistical /¹. Locke, 1912, 1923, 1938; Nordenskiold,1925a, 1925b.

Page 232 /

record; this is obvious from the statements of the chroniclers who saw them in use. Probably the majority were censuses of the population by age-classes in given districts, as well as records of domestic animals, quantities of agricultural products, and such statistics. Probably the figures could be read by any Inca qui-pucamayoc or professional quipu-interpreter, who doubtless also knew the meaning - or various meanings of the string colours, but certainly in many or most instances some verbal information of interpretative value had to accompany a quipu (Figure6). However, the quipu could be, and certainly was, employed as mnemonic device for the recitation of traditional material such as historical ballads and genealogical records. Thus, according to some of the chroniclers, the life and activities of each em-peror were recorded on a quipu. Such quipus could, of course, be interpreted only by the maker or by someone fully familiar with the data. As a result of his study of many quipus found in graves on the coast the only extant ones - Nordenskiold ¹ comes to the con-clusion that these at least were not statistical records but were used in divination and possibly for the determination of lucky and unlucky days. He argues from his wide experience with American aborigines, that it would be absolutely contrary to American Indian psychology to place with the dead any in-formation regarding the living, since this would give the former some control over the latter. His point is doubtless well taken, and we may be rather confident that these quipus were not cur-rent censuses. Nordenskiold finds in these quipus an unexpected frequency of occurrence of the number seven and concludes that this must have been a sacred number. Also he derives sums and totals, many of which seem to agree, more or less closely, with the rotation periods of celestial bodies; therefore he believes these quipus to be calendrical and astronomical in nature and used in magic and divination. Although Nordenskiold was one of the greatest Americanists, his conclusions on this point are not generally accepted by modern authorities mainly because there are many discrepancies in his calculations that need to be ex-plained away, and because the Inca apparently had little interest

/ ¹. Nordenskiold, 1925a, 1925b

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in lucky and unlucky days, which were so important among the Mesoamericans. It must be kept in mind, however, that we have no historic information regarding the peoples of the coast where these quipus were buried. It is rather certain that an abacus was employed in making the calculations that were later recorded on the quipus. No example has yet been discovered archaeologically, but some chroniclers have described its use²and even given a picture of one (Figure 6). This seems to have been a rectangular block with twenty (5 by 4) compartments in which from one to five kernals of corn or other small objects were placed and manipulated. "¹. Wassen, 1931, 1940 ². Acosta, 1880 (1590).

The Growth Of ScienceA.P. Rossiter 1939

Page 15

"The Egyptians,…" "…made good observations on the stars and were able to say when the sun or moon would become dark in an eclipse (a most surprising event even in our times), and when the land would be covered by the waters of the Nile: they were expert at building and made some discoveries about the relations of lines and angles - among them one very old rule for getting a right-angle by stretching out knotted cords with 5, 4, and 3 units between the knots.

Page 42

" At Cuenca I photographed a copper object, some 20 inches high, representing a figure of normal dimensions (Fig.22). An abnormal feature is that he has only four fingers on each hand and four toes on each foot. However we also find representations of the gods with some of their limbs missing among the ancient Indians, the Maoris, the Etruscans, and other peoples. Yet I read in a serious scientific publication how simple the solution of this mystery is. Toes and fingers were a kind of adding machine. If the artist wanted to express the number "19," he left out one finger or one toe. Pursuing this scholarly fantasy. the number "16" was represented as a being with four plus four toes and four plus four fingers = 16 was represented as a being with four plus four toes and four plus four fingers =16! This ingenuous way of counting seems to me to be unworthy of a people who built roads and fortresses and cities. Why, by the gods of all the stars did the intelli-gent Incas have to draw or sculpt a whole man with hands and feet to express the number 4? Deadly serious science gets entangled in the net of its own fantasy. To be sure it admits that the Incas could count, but it does not credit them with being able to represent "4" by four dots or four dashes..." "…As for the figure that is minus two fingers and

/ Page 43 /

two toes, the explanation as a childish method of counting is unconvincing,…"

Page 380

Page 152

" Even as late as the middle of this century, if discus-sion had turned to the artificial generation of life, all chemists would have declared such a synthesis to be unrealizable for reasons of symmetry. Pasteur had demonstrated that chemical substances synthetically generated tend to have a double action optically; that is to say they are a compound of two substance, one of which turns the polarization level of light to the right, the other to the left. Substances generated by living or-ganism on the other hand are optically single visioned and turntheir polarization axis therefore exclusively to the left or the right. At the time of Pasteur and for a long time afterhim there was no way known to separate a substance with double vision into two substances with single vision"

The scribe in swift aside, counted the number of letters in the words left and right.

left 4. right 5. then writ left + right = 9

 Page 263

"It will be as well to recall here what Fulcanelli's reply was when Bergier asked him what the real nature of alchemy consisted in. He said:

 'The secret of alchemy is that there exists a means of manipulating matter and energy so as to create what modern science calls a force-field' This force field acts upon the observer and puts him in a privileged position in relation to the universe. From this privileged position he has access to realities that space and time matter and energy, normally conceal from us. This is what we call the Great Work.' "